Temat: differentiated integration

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Can ‘Differentiated Integration’ Lead to a Federationin Europe?
Autorzy:: Grosse, Tomasz Grzegorz
Tematy:: differentiated integration
political segmentation
intergovernmentalism
confederation
federation; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/419640.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: This article explores whether the phenomenon of ‘differentiated integration’ can accelerate the federalisation of the European Union. In particular, it analyses the crisis of the euro area (focused on the period 2010–2014). Did this crisis favour reforms which could turn the EU into a democratic federation? Could the trend towards differentiated integration (or the concept of the so-called ‘two-speed Europe’) facilitate the creation of a federation? Ordoes it feed political and systemic tendencies that run opposite to federalism?
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: From a Centralised to a Diversified Common Agricultural Policy in the Light of Liberal Intergovernmentalism Theory
Autorzy:: Grochowska, Renata
Tematy:: Common Agricultural Policy
European Union
Differentiated Integration; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/52566905.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: The aim of this study was to identify the circumstances in which the Common Agricultural Policy, once the most centralised policy in the EU, changed, after 2013, into one which is the most decentralised and diversiﬁed. The following hypothesis was put forward that the introduction of signiﬁcant ﬂexibility in the CAP reﬂects the search by Member States for the most effective ways to identify and implement their own preferences on the EU forum. The research was conducted from the perspective of the liberal intergovernmentalism theory based on a critical analysis of the respective literature and the applicable strategic documents and regulations. In the study, a large heterogeneity of agricultural sectors in the EU has been shown, resulting from several enlargements of the EU. Consequently, it has led to an increasing diversiﬁcation of national preferences, signiﬁcantly affecting the shape of the CAP reforms proposed on the EU forum. Other important drivers inﬂuencing the changes in the CAP were the introduction of a co-decision procedure in the area of agriculture, along with the increasing impact of Member States on the decision-making process since the economic crisis of 2008–2009. As a consequence, EU budget negotiations have been dominated by narrowly-deﬁned sectoral and national interests. The concentration of Member States on an acceptable net position contributes to maintaining the status quo in terms of the expenditure part of the EU budget or its reduction. Thus, there is a risk that the deﬁcit of European integration in areas assuming the distribution of costs and beneﬁts between Member States may have a negative impact on the future of the EU.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: One Treaty – Differentiated Institutional Outcomes. The Changing Perceptions and Expectations About the Rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union
Autorzy:: Riedel, Rafał
Tematy:: Europe
Differentiated Integration
Rotating Presidency
EU Council; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/55994078.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: This paper contributes to the literature on differentiated European integration by investigating the diversiﬁed institutional outcomes generated by treaty changes. Its goal is to present how the roles attributed to the institution of the EU Council Rotating Presidency have changed, in a diversiﬁed way, after the reform of the Lisbon Treaty concluded in 2009. It posits that while the expected changes altered some of the roles in signiﬁcant manner – as compared to what was deﬁned in the treaty – some other roles remained relatively stable. The analysis goes beyond reading the Reform Treaty of Lisbon, and rather focuses on the perceptions and expectations (via a so-called “logic of appropriateness”) towards the Presidency as conceptualised by experts on the matter. The shift in perceptions regarding the roles of the rotating Presidency is analysed in relation to the roles attached to the established institution of the Permanent President of the European Council as well as being tested along different levels of the council system and its areas of competence. As a result, this study delivers a map of roles (understood as the expected behaviour in a given institutional setting) according to their salience, level, and the competence area of the Council system. The explanatory variables employed make distinctions between old vs. new, and big vs. small Member States, which makes it possible to identify the relatively important differences in the roles ascribed to chairing Member States of varying sizes and ages.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: The Challenges of “Renewed” Enlargement to the Western Balkan Countries
Autorzy:: Yariş, Zelal Başak
Tematy:: Western Balkan Countries
Renewed Enlargement
Geostrategic Rivalry
Differentiated Integration; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/53708710.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: In the last two decades, acting as an anchor for a transition to democracy and a market economy, the EU has given membership perspectives to the Western Balkan countries of Albania, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Croatia. At the outset, the EU triggered democratic reforms, empowered civil society organisations, and established democratic rules in those countries. However, on Croatia’s joining the EU in 2013, the Union demonstrated what can be best described as apparent enlargement fatigue and took a break from the widening of Western Balkan countries for the ﬁve subsequent years. However, the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 revitalised the EU enlargement policy towards Western Balkan countries for security and geostrategic considerations. In that purview, this paper seeks to explore contextual constraints associated with the EU’s renewed enlargement policy towards Western Balkan countries. Using the conceptual framework of Alcaro and his co-authors (2022), it is argued that the EU renewed enlargement operates in a context driven by the following three key processes: (1) multi-actor geostrategic competition; (2) regional fragmentation; and (3) intra-EU contestation. In this context, considering international, regional, and institutional contextual constraints, the EU’s leverage on the Western Balkan countries would not be taken for granted, suggesting that the EU needs to develop hybrid strategies transcending classic tools of enlargement.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: The fog of enlargement and the agony of accession: the European Union and Serbia in the light of a reform document
Autorzy:: Samardžić, Slobodan
Kovačević, Bojan
Tematy:: European Union
crisis
Serbia
accession process
Monnet method
differentiated integration; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343736.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: The 2009 public debt crisis onset triggered a fundamental constitutional transformation of the European Union (EU). What is the link between this transformation and the enlargement policy? The authors of the article seek an answer to this question. The main thesis is that the method of impersonal authoritarianism in dealing with the Eurozone crisis spilled over into the EU enlargement policy. On the one hand, we consider the systemic reasons for turning the enlargement policy into an instrument of geopolitical control of the states on the outer periphery. On the other hand, the problem is considered from the point of view of Serbia’s interest as an EU membership candidate country. The authors conclude that opening space for innovation and flexibility in relations would be in the mutual interest of the EU and candidate countries. The analysis of the new enlargement policy reform proposal examines the readiness of European leaders to open the door for a new type of relations with the candidate countries that would correspond to today’s European reality of the historical interregnum.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Morocco and Tunisia on the Shores of Mare Nostrum: Positive Differentiation Across the Mediterranean and Segmentation in the European Union Research Policy
Autorzy:: Šime, Zane
Tematy:: Differentiated Integration
Segmentation
Mediterranean
Framework Programme 7
European Research Area; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/52575351.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: The European Research Area and Framework Programme 7 represents a conducive means for positive differentiation beyond the borders of the EU. The article aims to identify the ERA’s differentiated integration and segmentation swatches by concentrating on the closely-tied neighbouring countries of Morocco and Tunisia. The thematic distinction of the Mediterranean represents positive differentiation that surpasses EU territory. It occurs based on the thematic priorities co-decided by key EU institutions and articulated by the European Commission in annual work programmes. Segmentation in research across the Mediterranean area is a centrally-steered process incentivised by the European Commission through open calls for project applications. Process tracing allows for even more nuanced thematic steering patterns to be explored. A content analysis of open calls with a speciﬁc focus on the annual work programmes demonstrates the important role played by the fact that Morocco and Tunisia correspond to the country category of “(African) Mediterranean Partner Countries”. This geographical position offers preferential treatment to participate in several project applications explicitly inviting geographical focus on the Mediterranean area and/or partnerships with a Mediterranean membership.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Differentiated European Integration and the Changing Type of Capitalism in Central Europe
Autorzy:: Anusik, Jakub
Riedel, Rafał
Tematy:: Central Europe
Visegrad Group
Varieties of Capitalism
European Differentiated Integration; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/53406578.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: The objective of this paper is to analyse the double-layered diversiﬁcation of the European integration system represented by the countries of Central Europe (CE). Here exempliﬁed by the Visegrad Four (V4) states (Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and Czechia), the region offers a unique laboratory of European differentiated integration (DI). The V4 positions itself on the outer-core of the European Union hemispheres. At the same time, the bloc itself is internally diversiﬁed in various, important aspects of integration (conﬂicting trajectories with Brussels, monetary integration, energy policy, relations with Russia, etc.). Unpacking this intra-V4 diversity will be accompanied by an exploration of the economic and institutional factors possibly affecting it. The political-economy perspective allows us to capture the determinants intersecting at the crossroads of economic and political dimensions. The authors will explore the selected building blocks of the system of differentiation inside the V4 group.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: Ucieczka z Brukseli. Porównawcze studium przypadku medialnego ujęcia suwerenności podczas negocjacji umowy o wystąpieniu Wielkiej Brytanii z UE, umowy o handlu i współpracy oraz umowy instytucjonalnej między Szwajcarią a UE.
Running away from Brussels. A comparative case study on the media framing of sovereignty durin the negotiations of the UK-EU Withdrawal Agreement amd Trade and Cooperation Agreement and the Swiss-EU Institutional Agreement
Autorzy:: Noack, Stella
Opis:: Wraz z zakończeniem negocjacji w sprawie Brexitu w grudniu 2020 roku oraz decyzją Rady Federalnej o przerwaniu negocjacji w sprawie Umowy Instytucjonalnej między Szwajcarią a Unią Europejską w maju 2021 roku, dwa państwa europejskie w ciągu sześciu miesięcy odeszły od bliższej współpracy z Unią Europejską lub w jej ramach. W obu przypadkach pojawia się pytanie o to, jak wiele różnic może być uwzględnionych w integracji europejskiej i jakie są granice zjednoczenia w różnorodności. Dwa porozumienia w sprawie Brexitu, Umowa o wycofaniu się z UE oraz Umowa o handlu i współpracy między UE a Wielką Brytanią, a także porozumienie instytucjonalne między UE a Szwajcarią są przypadkami zróżnicowanej (dez)integracji. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia analizę jednej spornej kwestii w debacie otaczającej negocjacje tych zróżnicowanych porozumień (dez)integracyjnych: suwerenności narodowej. Poprzez porównawcze studium przypadku dwóch szwajcarskich i dwóch brytyjskich gazet, artykuł analizuje, w jaki sposób suwerenność jest ujmowana w relacjach z negocjacji w latach 2018-2020. Artykuł pokazuje, że w przypadku Wielkiej Brytanii pojęcie suwerenności jest często wykorzystywane jako wskaźnik lub funkcja otwierająca debatę na temat tożsamości narodowej lub zachęcająca do wyobrażenia sobie przyszłości Zjednoczonego Królestwa. Przypadek brytyjski pokazuje również, jak suwerenność jest ujmowana jako jedynie istniejący stan umysłu. Z drugiej strony, przypadek szwajcarski podkreśla znaczenie kwestii prawnych, które są związane z pojęciem suwerenności, zwłaszcza w odniesieniu do Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej. W przypadku Szwajcarii ujęcie suwerenności jest wyraźniej powiązane z debatą na temat możliwych niezgodności pomiędzy krajowym systemem politycznym (i jego tradycjami) a zarządzaniem UE niż w przypadku Wielkiej Brytanii.
With the conclusion of the Brexit negotiations in December 2020 and the decision of the Federal Council to discontinue the negotiations of the Institutional Agreement between Switzerland and the European Union in May 2021, two European states moved away from closer cooperation with or within the European Union within the span of six months. Both cases raise the question how much differentiation can be accommodated by European integration and about the limits of being united in diversity. The two Brexit agreements, the Withdrawal Agreement and the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement, and the EU-Swiss Institutional Agreement are cases of differentiated (dis)integration This paper delivers an analysis of one contested issue in the debate surrounding the negotiation of these differentiated (dis)integration agreements: national sovereignty. By means of a comparative case study between two Swiss and two British newspapers, this paper analyses how sovereignty is framed in the reporting on the negotiations between 2018 and 2020. The paper shows that in the British case the concept of sovereignty is often employed as an indicator or function opening a debate of national identity or inviting the imagining of the future of the United Kingdom. The British case also shows how sovereignty is framed as merely existing as a state of mind. The Swiss case, on the other hand side, highlights the importance of legal questions that are linked to the concept of sovereignty, especially in relation to the Court of Justice of the European Union. In the Swiss case, the framing of sovereignty is more clearly interlinked with a debate about possible incompatibilities between the national political system (and its traditions) and EU governance than in the British case.
Dostawca treści:: Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

Inne

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: The battle for differentiated integration in the EU energy policy
Zróżnicowana integracja w polityce energetycznej UE
Autorzy:: Grosse, Tomasz Grzegorz
Tematy:: Zróżnicowana integracja
Nord Stream 2
OPAL
UE
differentiated integration
the EU; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28766378.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: The main purpose of the article is to describe differentiated integration in the EU energy policy which concerns the exemption of the Nord Stream 2 and OPAL pipelines from European law, and more precisely from the so-called Third Energy Package. The attempt to derogate EU law in relation to these pipelines in Germany was of great economic and political importance for Central Europe as a whole. It also affected the modification of EU law and thus had systemic consequences for the entire EU. In this article, I will analyse the process aimed at derogation from the application of European law and its consequences. Furthermore, I will try to answer the question to what extent the public discussion hindered the possibilities of exemption from European law. Finally, I will turn to clarifying the reasons why exclusion from EU law in the case under review has failed. This seems to be of great importance when explaining other failed attempts to diversify integration in recent years as well; it may also help delineate what limitations there are for the very process in the future.
Głównym celem artykułu jest opisanie zróżnicowanej integracji w polityce energetycznej UE, która dotyczy wyłączenia gazociągów Nord Stream 2 i OPAL spod prawa europejskiego, a dokładniej z tzw. Trzeciego Pakietu Energetycznego. Próba derogacji prawa UE w odniesieniu do tych gazociągów miała ogromne znaczenie gospodarcze i polityczne dla całej Europy Środkowej. Wpłynęło to również na modyfikację prawa unijnego, a tym samym miało konsekwencje systemowe dla całej UE. W niniejszym artykule przeanalizuję proces mający na celu odstępstwo od stosowania prawa europejskiego oraz jego konsekwencje. Ponadto postaram się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, w jakim stopniu dyskusja publiczna utrudniła możliwość wyłączenia spod prawa europejskiego gazociągów. Na koniec przejdę do wyjaśnienia powodów, dla których wyłączenie spod prawa Unii w rozpatrywanej sprawie nie powiodło się. Wydaje się to mieć duże znaczenie dla wyjaśnienia innych nieudanych prób dywersyfikacji integracji w ostatnich latach; może również pomóc w nakreśleniu, jakie ograniczenia istnieją dla samego procesu w przyszłości.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Stuck in ENP purgatory? : an assessment of the EUs external legitimacy mechanisms
Autorzy:: Zubek, Marcin
Góra, Magdalena
Wydawca:: ARENA Centrum Studiów Europejskich
Opis:: The EU is developing closer ties with some of its neighbours, creating various forms of external differentiated integration (EDI). Since these relations are continuously asymmetrical in terms of power, scholars raise the issue of how power and dominance feature in such structures. The main aim of this research paper is to investigate how, in the context of EDI, the EU creates structures in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), and specifically the Eastern Partnership (EaP), that allow more participation and increasing input and throughput legitimacy for partner countries and their societies. Secondly, the paper shows how political actors from partner countries perceive these structures and tools and what improvements they propose. This is done through analysis of the mechanisms and practices which the EU is employing to improve participation and external legitimacy within the ENP. The research paper consists of a theoretical section, in which we examine the EU’s interdependence and EDI structures in the neighbourhood as well as using the concept of dominance to unpack its characteristics. This is followed by an analysis of external EU legitimacy and its indicators treated as a means to improve relations with the neighbours. In the empirical section, we identify and analyse selected mechanisms through which the EU is trying to improve its external legitimacy in the neighbourhood. We mainly look at two institutional tools: (1) consultations on the ENP reform and (2) the ENP Interparliamentary Assemblies (EuroNEST).
Dostawca treści:: Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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