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Wyświetlanie 1-10 z 43
Tytuł:
Theology and the study of religion/s : methodological remarks on the margins of Krzysztof Pilarczyk’s The Christian Bible (Biblia chrześcijan)
Teologia i religioznawstwo : uwagi metodologiczne na marginesie monografii Krzysztofa Pilarczyka Biblia chrześcijan
Autorzy:
Trzcionkowski, Lech
Opis:
The article aims to present methodological issues of the contemporary historical study of religion and studies of early Christianity as a historical phenomenon. The scientific study of religion uses the methodology appropriate for studying the products of human activity. Therefore, the anthropocentric history of religions examines human activity related to ideologies and activities claiming non-human origins. On the other hand, theology is permanently linked to religious ideology and, as such, is one of the objects of religious studies. Although religious people may perceive religious studies claims as offensive, respect for religious sensibilities is not and should not be a scholarly virtue.
Dostawca treści:
Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Plutarcha Vita Solonis 8, 4-6 i Tesmoforia attyckie
Vita Solonis 8, 4-6 and the Attic Thesmophoria
Autorzy:
Trzcionkowski, Lech
Tematy:
religia grecka
święta attyckie
Tesmoforia
Greek religion
Athenian feasts
Thesmophoria
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Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1955176.pdf  Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:
The article is devoted to the problem of the connection between the feast of women gathered in the Demeter Thesmophoria shrine on Cape Kolias (deme Halimous) and the celebrations of Thesmophoria in Athens. The starting point for the author is Plutarch's story (Vita Solonis 8, 4-6) that today is considered to be the proof of the tenth day of the month Pyanopsion rites which were part of the Athenian Thesmophoria. On that day women were supposed to go to the seaside sanctuary and then to move to the Demeter temenos in the center of Athens. The local feast was to be included in the state celebrations, but the problematic verse 80 of Aristophanes' Women at Thesmaphoria was thought to be a trace of its original separateness. A careful analysis of Plutarch and the tradition on which he is dependent (Polyainos) shows that the feast on Cape Kolias is not the same as the Thesmophoria. Numerous researchers compare Plutarch's accounts with the tradition of seizing the Megarians who conducted a plundering raid whose purpose was to abduct the women who had gathered at Thesmaphoria (Aeneas Tacticus, 4.8-12). Most of them think that it is the same tradition that was later divided in two. Differences between the accounts show that these are separate traditions dealing with different events. The stories are about different leaders (Solon in Halimous, Pisistratus in Eleusis). The course of the rites and their role in the related account differ from the ritual scenario in the shrine on Cape Kolias. In Eleusis the women probably remained in the sacred circle during the rites, and anyway they did not take part in the events. Hence there is no motif of young men putting on women's clothes with hidden daggers and of the dance on the sea-shore that is strongly emphasized in the tradition concerning Solon's ruse (apate) in Halimous. A lot points to the initiation scenario being at the root of Plutarch and Polyainos' story. A change in the status is also seen in the ritual behavior: choirs in the Demeter feast consist of boys; and the feast is the domain of women only. By temporarily entering the women's world the participants in the rite-event are transformed into warriors. The fight they will have to wage is different from hoplites' fight as victory depends on a ruse. Hence the initiation rite is a distant background for the story of the war against Megara. The rite seems to be different from the feast of Thesmophoria and to remind of rites from other Greek territories (Amnissos on Crete) that are similar in their structure. The fact that Plutarch's story about the celebrations of Thesmophoria is different does not mean that the thesmophoria in Halimous did not take place. Beside the main thought of the article the author has made an analysis of the evidence concerning the Thesmophoria on the territories of Attica, which has fully confirmed Kevin Clinton's thesis about a local character of the feast. Source evidence does not allow including the deme Halimous as the first day of the celebrations in Athens. They remained a separate feast, but contrary to other local celebrations they began on the tenth day of the month Pyanopsion.
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Κριός dla Hermesa z kalendarza obrzędowego demu Erchia (część pierwsza)
Κριός for Hermes from the Ritual Calendar of Deme Erchia (Part I)
Autorzy:
Trzcionkowski, Lech
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1964028.pdf  Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:
Κριός for Hermes composed in the deme Erchia 4. of the day of Thargelion does not belong, as S. Dow believed, to the same category of offerings as rams for 12 drachmas of the same calendar. Both in literary texts and in the sphere of religion this word denotes a tup, an unslaughtered ram, the guide of a flock. One has to distinguish three kinds of offerings from sheep: οἷς for 10 drachmas, that is a ewe; οἷς for 12 drachmas, that is ewe, probably a slaughtered ram, a wether; and κριός for 10 drachmas. A regularity in the ritual calendar of the deme Erchia is confirmed when analyzing other inscriptions from the Attic territories. One may then challenge the common opinion that in the Attic inscriptive texts the word οἷς always means a ewe, since a ram is denoted by κριός, and the fixed difference in price between sheep offered to male and female deities is attributed rather the age of an offering than its sex (J.H. Oliver, J.von Prott). From the religious point of view one cannot explain such a distribution of sheep among gods. It is much more easier to understand this difference while assuming that the determining factor here, similar as in Erchia, is the animal's sex. The female deity was denoted by a ewe, the male by a wether, that is a slaughtered ram, defined in the sources as οἷς, and in particular cases as a tup. One should remember that not all Athenian fasti recorded their rites which made a difference between the three kinds of offerings from a sheep. The inscription of the deme Thorikos (AC 52 (1983)), which has recently been discovered, may serve as an example of the latter. Although it does not contain offerings from κριός, nevertheless it confirms a possibility to denote rams by the word οἷς. One may assume, however, that when a distinction between a wether and a tup was introduced it was grounded in the cult.
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-10 z 43

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