Temat: Oligarchy - Prolib Integro

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Rayderstvo in Russia as an inhibitor of its economic growth.
Rejderstwo w Rosji, jako czynnik hamujący rozwój gospodarki.
Autorzy:: Kornovskiy, Alexey
Dostawca treści:: Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Networking leader and local oligarchies
Autorzy:: Csurgo, Bernadett
Kovach, Imre
Tematy:: involvement
oligarchy
knowledge
project class; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/651923.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: This paper presents a case study from Hungary about the “Nagykunságért” LEADER Local Action Group, which demonstrates the limits of an actor’s involvement in local rural development. Project participation in this region depends on the financial and managerial capacity of participants. Actors with capacity are involved with the project as a matter of course, but those without capacity are crowded out and lack access to resources. Actors in rural development are characterised by their ability to disseminate diverse kinds of information and use of knowledge. Inclusion, exclusion, and the power of local oligarchies are main concepts in this paper, which studies LEADER as a tool which may be used either for democracy or against local democratic control over the distribution of development funds.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: La democrazia ricorrente. DEMOCRAZIA O OLIGARCHIA?
Democracy recurring. Democracy or Oligarchy?
Autorzy:: Tafaro, Sebastiano
Tematy:: Sovereignty
people
participative democracy
oligarchy
community; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/546699.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: The societies today, especially in the so-called ‘West’, seem irreversible crisis both from an organizational and economically and especially on that of the ‘values’ (religious or secular, that are). In Central Europe Mediterranean we had the illusion that the creation and the EIB, the Community Union and now in Europe, was the solution to the ‘problem’. Instead, not only proved to be inadequate, but is ending itself to become great or at least part of the problem. One of the main nodes consists in the alienation individual with respect to policy management, increasingly the preserve of oligarchies. There is much to say and much to do. Above all it is necessary to redesign the ‘model’ of society, overcoming the abstractness of the concept of State, and proposing joint truthful and not patterns worn and often harbingers of fictions. It should be cautioned, however, that there is no perfect model and, therefore, it is necessary to assume a ‘dynamic model’. Experience shows that the proposed solutions often arouse enthusiasm and expectations that, after a certain interval, fade and ineffective, therefore democracy needs to know how to renew and reshape consistently and regularly, according to a model of democracy that would define recurring.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Oligarchy and its impact on foreign policy – Ukraine’s case
Autorzy:: Indyk, Jarosław
Tematy:: Ukraine
foreign policy
international relationships
oligarchy
political system; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Przedsiębiorstwo Wydawnictw Naukowych Darwin / Scientific Publishing House DARWIN
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1179692.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: For most of people not preoccupied with issues related with political sciences or international affairs, oligarchy may seem something that was in the past but has not been present for dozens or even hundreds of years. However, oligarchic governments in individual countries underwent an evolution. Due to obvious reasons, the way of acting and methods changed but the sole rule of functioning and aims remained unchanged. This subject is extremely broad. Due to the above, the author, to significant extent, focuses on one country, i.e. Ukraine. The form of oligarchic power in this country is very dangerous, as only a few persons directly or indirectly controls the judiciary, the executive, the legislature and media. Despite that, it is possible to very surely state that one of the most apparent manifestations of the domination of particular persons in a country is their influence of its foreign policy. Thus, we observe not only a break of the classical thought by David Easton on a political system, but also that a small group of the wealthiest people in a state has an influence on the policy of states in its region or even the whole international arena
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne granice demokracji
Internal and external borders of democracy
Autorzy:: Karolczuk, E.
Tematy:: demokracja
granice demokracji
oligarchia
democracy
borders democracy
oligarchy; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Politechnika Śląska. Wydawnictwo Politechniki Śląskiej
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/321528.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: Demokracja ma zewnętrzne i wewnętrzne granice. Demokracje dążą do poszerzenia swych granic terytorialnych, zwłaszcza jeśli poza nimi dominują systemy antydemokratyczne. W procesie globalizacji dawne granice państwowe tracą na znaczeniu, ale nie oznacza to, że wszelkie granice znikają. Państwo prawa oligarchicznego jest „zewnętrzem” granicy demokracji. Oligarchia zmienia granice między tym co polityczne i niepolityczne, publiczne i niepubliczne. Jedną z granic demokracji są nadmierne nierówności społeczne. Rosnący dług publiczny pozwala oligarchii przekroczyć granice demokracji. Na granicy między demokracją i oligarchią znajduje się system przedstawicielski. Akt głosowania, przedstawiany jako wyraz świadomości politycznej i aktywności obywatelskiej, jest jednocześnie rezygnacją z własnego politycznego działania. Rozwój demokracji wymaga ponownego przekroczenia przez masy pracujące granicy między klasą „w sobie” i klasą „dla siebie”.
Democracy has got its own external and internal borders. Democracies aim at expanding their territorial borders, especially if some antidemocratic systems dominate outside them. In the process of globalization, former borders lose their meaning; however, it does not mean that all borders disappear. An oligarchic country is the exterior of a border of democracy. Oligarchy changes the borders between what is political and nonpolitical or what is public and nonpublic. Excessive social inequalities form one of the borders of democracy. Increasing public debt allows oligarchy to exceed the borders of democracy. A representative system is exactly on the border between democracy and oligarchy. The act of voting defined as an expression of political consciousness and civil activity is the resignation from one’s own political activity at the same time. The development of democracy requires the working masses to recross the border between ‘the class in itself’ and ‘the class for itself’.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Democracy building in Ukraine: key contradictions
Побудова демократії в Україні: основні протиріччя
Autorzy:: Rozumny, Maxim
Tematy:: building democracy,
civil society,
political nation,
oligarchy, republic; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489386.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: Initially, the project for building democracy in Ukraine was characterized by a certain contradictory nature and suggested that liberalization of forms of public life should have been superimposed on the relatively intensive processes to form a political nation. During the entire period of social reforms in Ukraine the public awareness has been focusing on several marks of national development. The concepts of “building a state”, “building a civil society” and “formation of a political nation” were most widespread. Their value and strategic priorities often competes with each other in reality. The focus on “building a state” unambiguously makes the national idea of state sovereignty higher than the social idea of democratic self-government. Although a national idea is usually based on conservative values, as it has not been based on substantial tradition since Ukraine’s independence (institutions and public practices), it has quite quickly lost its motivation. The project for “building a civil society” cannot be directly connected with a certain historical period of Ukrainian independence to date, as it was present in the public sphere with a utopian background, which was not fed by connection with reality so much as extreme remoteness from the same. This status of a distant, yet inapproachable ideal spawned both the advantages and disadvantages of the concept of a “civil society”. The project to “form a political nation” emerged in the Ukrainian intellectual space later on, when the projects to “build a state” and “build a civil society” had started to become ceremonial attributes of public communications rather than products reflecting the current trajectory of the country. Today therefore, the concepts of a “civil society” and a “political nation” are equally present in the public awareness of Ukraine as landmarks of national development, public and political transformations and are often used as mutually complementary components of a single strategy. The path of democratic transit in Ukraine emerged as more complicated. Here, the authoritarian political regime had not managed to consolidate itself, when faced with the activism of the civil society. On the one hand, it was part of a society oriented toward the national modern that stood against the restoration of post-Soviet authoritarianism and, on the other, a considerable layer of intellectuals and businesspersons oriented toward the postmodern version of liberalism and globalism. The theory of democratic transit, which was mainly formed within the limits of the institutional approach, paved the way for democratic management institutions to adopt a decisive role in transforming non-liberal communities. It proposed a simple solution. As liberal transformations in the West resulted in formalization of the respective standards, values and practices in the form of democratic institutions, an adverse effect could be expected and the emergence of a liberal society based on democratic institutions. The end result was unexpected in some respects, resulting in a so-called façade democracy, with a significant portion of actually functioning social standards and principles degraded to demonstratively feudalistic forms. At the same time, however, the institutional frame (or façade) of the political system remained “improved”. Moreover, client-based, corrupt and demonstratively criminal social structures not only learned to utilize the institutions of representative democracy, but also managed to fit the democratization changes themselves in the context of their own corporate strategies. In terms of political history, the previous period of Ukraine can be characterized as an oligarchic consensus; ruined at a certain stage by an attempt to monopolize power by Yanukovych’s surroundings. The 2014-2015 crisis resulted in the political domination of “political projects”, rather than parties in the classical sense, as major subjects of political competition, projects, which, given the character of their emergence and functioning, balance between business start-up logics and the promotional laws of pop stars. The most important means of assessing the quality of democracy, Ukraine has degraded, during the period when it was supposed to actively arrange its democratic bases. One answer may be that the conscious efforts targeting democracy have not yet spawned sufficiently comprehensive consequences. However, it is already clear that instead of adopting progressive social innovation, we have social mutation, which resembles the expected result according to certain exterior features, but which radically contradicts the conception of reform. Oligarchy in the Ukrainian political and social context means a situation, when wealth is used to preserve a monopoly of power and power is converted into wealth. In fact, an oligarchy means usurpation of power, when people are deprived of sovereignty and major management facilities are appropriated by an organized group. Only the republic may become an alternative to oligarchy in Ukraine. The republic, as we understand it, denotes a kind of political organization of citizens, who founded the state, based on common values and generally accepted rules of community life.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Law vs. Interests Russia after 1991
Prawo vs interesy. Rosja po 1991 roku
Autorzy:: Bartnicki, Adam R.
Tematy:: Oligarchy
Russia
corruption
Yeltsin
Putin
oligarchia
Rosja
korupcja
Jelcyn; Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:: Akademia Finansów i Biznesu Vistula
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1835991.pdf Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:: In Russia, after 1991, we can observe the crisis of rule of law in the political, economic and social area. The criminalization of the state, economy and the policy was part of a kind of inheritance from the Soviet Union. Its essence was manifested by omnipotence and impunity of elites, spreading the thesis about non conflict society and propaganda of common interests of society and oligarchs. Other components of the “decline” were: preservation of power by a large part of politicians from the former system and the elements of Soviet mentality and behaviour, the tendency to clientelism and servility, both in society and among the elites. Some elements of the old system were not only adapted to the new reality, but were even deeper. Such phenomena as corruption, shifts in power into the “dark” illegal structures, disregard of legal standards, contradictions existing between official propaganda and the real life, would be a common occurrence in the Soviet Union, but this contemporary Russia gave them a quasi-legal and almost certainly acceptable. Examples of how to ignore or bend the law went vertically from political power down the social ladder. Exerted and continues to exert a destructive influence on the political system, economy and society of Russia.
W Rosji po 1991 r. można zaobserwować kryzys państwa prawa na polu politycznym, gospodarczym i społecznym. Kryminalizacja państwa, gospodarki i polityki była elementem swoistego spadku po czasach ZSRS. Jego istota przejawiała się we wszechwładzy i bezkarności elity, swobodnym żonglowaniu tezą o bezkonfliktowym społeczeństwie oraz propagandowej jedności interesów społeczeństwa i nomenklatury. Innymi składnikami owego „spadku” były: zachowanie władzy przez dużą część polityków z dawnego układu, elementy sowieckiej mentalności i zachowań, skłonność do klientelizmu i serwilizmu, zarówno w społeczeństwie, jak i w samych elitach. Niektóre elementy dawnego układu nie tylko zostały zaadaptowane do nowej rzeczywistości, ale uległy wręcz pogłębieniu. Takie zjawiska, jak korupcja, przemieszczanie się centrów władzy w stronę „ciemnych”, nielegalnych struktur, lekceważenie norm prawnych, sprzeczności zachodzące między oficjalną propagandą a realnym życiem, z pewnością były zjawiskiem częstym w ZSRS, ale to współczesna Rosja nadała im charakter quasi-legalny, a już prawie na pewno akceptowalny. Przykłady lekceważenia czy naginania prawa szły wertykalnie od władzy politycznej w dół drabiny społecznej. Wywierały i nadal wywierają bardzo destrukcyjny wpływ na system polityczny, społeczeństwo i gospodarkę Rosji.
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: The Oligarchs in the Russian Federation
Oligarchowie w Federacji Rosyjskiej
Autorzy:: Serkis, Aleksandra
Opis:: This work includes the theme of selected Russian oligarchs from the twentieth and twenty-first century. Starting with a brief explanation of the concept of oligarchy, we traced the history of the Russian oligarchy from 1917 to the 80s of the twentieth century, as well as modern times. Subsequently, we presented the silhouettes of three selected oligarchs: Vladimir Potanin, Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Roman Abramovich. In the second chapter we showed the method of presentation of Russian oligarchs in fiction as an example Operation Heksogen and Chechen blues of Alexander Prochanow. In conclusion we traced press publications on this topic.
Niniejsza praca obejmuję tematykę wybranych oligarchów rosyjskich XX i XXI wieku. Rozpoczynając od krótkiego wyjaśnienia pojęcia oligarchia, prześledzona została historia oligarchii rosyjskiej od 1917 roku do lat 80-tych XX wieku, a także czasy współczesne. Następnie przedstawione zostały sylwetki trzech wybranych oligarchów: Vladimira Potanina, Michaiła Chodorkowskiego oraz Romana Abramowicza. W drugim rozdziale zajęliśmy się sposobem przedstawienia rosyjskich oligarchów w beletrystyce na przykładzie Operacji Heksogen oraz Czeczeńskiego bluesa Aleksandra Prochanowa. W zakończeniu prześledziliśmy natomiast publikacje prasowe dotyczące powyższego tematu.
Dostawca treści:: Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Oligarchy in the political and economic life of selected post-soviet states : comparative perspective
Oligarchia w życiu politycznym i gospodarczym wybranych państw postsowieckich : perspektywa porównawcza
Autorzy:: Kęsek, Rafał
Opis:: The oligarchization of economic and political life in the countries created after the collapse of the USSR is one of the main factors determining the forms and dynamics of the transformation of post-Soviet countries. Over the past thirty years, oligarchs in the post-Soviet area have actively participated in the distribution of state property and more. Thanks to the acquired capital resources, they directly or indirectly shape the policy of the countries created on the ruins of the USSR. They participate in the political process as owners of enterprises, sponsors, leaders of political forces, often occupy official state positions, influence legal and institutional solutions, and are a system-creating factor. Significantly, they often become victims of political and economic rivalry in the countries of the former USSR. Analysing the influence of the oligarchy on the internal policy of selected postSoviet countries, the problem of a specific 'duality of leadership' emerges which leads not only to mutual penetration and interdependence but also to a clash between the political and economic spheres. In the individual countries of the former USSR, this clash takes different forms and produces different results.
Dostawca treści:: Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Oligarchia w życiu politycznym i gospodarczym wybranych państw postsowieckich : perspektywa porównawcza
Oligarchy in the political and economic life of selected Post-Soviet States : comparative perspective
Autorzy:: Kęsek, Rafał
Opis:: The oligarchization of economic and political life in the countries created after the collapse of the USSR is one of the main factors determining the forms and dynamics of the transformation of post-Soviet countries. Over the past thirty years, oligarchs in the post-Soviet area have actively participated in the distribution of state property and more. Thanks to the acquired capital resources, they directly or indirectly shape the policy of the countries created on the ruins of the USSR. They participate in the political process as owners of enterprises, sponsors, leaders of political forces, often occupy official state positions, influence legal and institutional solutions, and are a system-creating factor. Significantly, they often become victims of political and economic rivalry in the countries of the former USSR. Analysing the influence of the oligarchy on the internal policy of selected postSoviet countries, the problem of a specific 'duality of leadership' emerges which leads not only to mutual penetration and interdependence but also to a clash between the political and economic spheres. In the individual countries of the former USSR, this clash takes different forms and produces different results.
Dostawca treści:: Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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