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Tytuł:
Democracy building in Ukraine: key contradictions
Побудова демократії в Україні: основні протиріччя
Autorzy:
Rozumny, Maxim
Tematy:
building democracy,
civil society,
political nation,
oligarchy, republic
Pokaż więcej
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489386.pdf  Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:
Initially, the project for building democracy in Ukraine was characterized by a certain contradictory nature and suggested that liberalization of forms of public life should have been superimposed on the relatively intensive processes to form a political nation. During the entire period of social reforms in Ukraine the public awareness has been focusing on several marks of national development. The concepts of “building a state”, “building a civil society” and “formation of a political nation” were most widespread. Their value and strategic priorities often competes with each other in reality. The focus on “building a state” unambiguously makes the national idea of state sovereignty higher than the social idea of democratic self-government. Although a national idea is usually based on conservative values, as it has not been based on substantial tradition since Ukraine’s independence (institutions and public practices), it has quite quickly lost its motivation. The project for “building a civil society” cannot be directly connected with a certain historical period of Ukrainian independence to date, as it was present in the public sphere with a utopian background, which was not fed by connection with reality so much as extreme remoteness from the same. This status of a distant, yet inapproachable ideal spawned both the advantages and disadvantages of the concept of a “civil society”. The project to “form a political nation” emerged in the Ukrainian intellectual space later on, when the projects to “build a state” and “build a civil society” had started to become ceremonial attributes of public communications rather than products reflecting the current trajectory of the country. Today therefore, the concepts of a “civil society” and a “political nation” are equally present in the public awareness of Ukraine as landmarks of national development, public and political transformations and are often used as mutually complementary components of a single strategy. The path of democratic transit in Ukraine emerged as more complicated. Here, the authoritarian political regime had not managed to consolidate itself, when faced with the activism of the civil society. On the one hand, it was part of a society oriented toward the national modern that stood against the restoration of post-Soviet authoritarianism and, on the other, a considerable layer of intellectuals and businesspersons oriented toward the postmodern version of liberalism and globalism. The theory of democratic transit, which was mainly formed within the limits of the institutional approach, paved the way for democratic management institutions to adopt a decisive role in transforming non-liberal communities. It proposed a simple solution. As liberal transformations in the West resulted in formalization of the respective standards, values and practices in the form of democratic institutions, an adverse effect could be expected and the emergence of a liberal society based on democratic institutions. The end result was unexpected in some respects, resulting in a so-called façade democracy, with a significant portion of actually functioning social standards and principles degraded to demonstratively feudalistic forms. At the same time, however, the institutional frame (or façade) of the political system remained “improved”. Moreover, client-based, corrupt and demonstratively criminal social structures not only learned to utilize the institutions of representative democracy, but also managed to fit the democratization changes themselves in the context of their own corporate strategies. In terms of political history, the previous period of Ukraine can be characterized as an oligarchic consensus; ruined at a certain stage by an attempt to monopolize power by Yanukovych’s surroundings. The 2014-2015 crisis resulted in the political domination of “political projects”, rather than parties in the classical sense, as major subjects of political competition, projects, which, given the character of their emergence and functioning, balance between business start-up logics and the promotional laws of pop stars. The most important means of assessing the quality of democracy, Ukraine has degraded, during the period when it was supposed to actively arrange its democratic bases. One answer may be that the conscious efforts targeting democracy have not yet spawned sufficiently comprehensive consequences. However, it is already clear that instead of adopting progressive social innovation, we have social mutation, which resembles the expected result according to certain exterior features, but which radically contradicts the conception of reform. Oligarchy in the Ukrainian political and social context means a situation, when wealth is used to preserve a monopoly of power and power is converted into wealth. In fact, an oligarchy means usurpation of power, when people are deprived of sovereignty and major management facilities are appropriated by an organized group. Only the republic may become an alternative to oligarchy in Ukraine. The republic, as we understand it, denotes a kind of political organization of citizens, who founded the state, based on common values and generally accepted rules of community life.
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania at the time of the Noble Democracy – a Polish Anomaly?
Autorzy:
Malec, Jerzy
Tematy:
Noble Republic
political system
noble democracy
magnate oligarchy
Sejm
bureaucracy
judiciary
Rzeczpospolita szlachecka
ustrój polityczny
demokracja szlachecka
oligarchia magnacka
urzędy
sądownictwo
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Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1401318.pdf  Link otwiera się w nowym oknie
Opis:
The article deals with the specifi city of the noble democracy in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Contrary to the absolutism dominant in Western Europe, where the fullness of power was concentrated in the hands of the monarch, in Poland, starting from the 16th century, power passed into the hands of the noble state, and republican forms were mixed with monarchist ones (the so-called republica mixta).The Sejm becomes the highest organ of power, bringing together the full legislative power, the power of the elected monarch gets limited, the administrative structure – based on lifetime offices – is anachronistic (until the middle of the 18th century), the judiciary retains its state character and from the 16th century becomes independent of the king, which is unique compared to most of the then existing countries. The system of democracy of the nobility created at that time clearly distinguishes the Polish political system from the solutions that were dominating during the modern era. In the first half of the 18th century, this form of government becomes deformed. During the magnate oligarchy, real power passes into the hands of a small group of the richest. Poland is in the state of decline. To counteract this, reforms are being gradually introduced during the reign of Stanisław August Poniatowski, the last Polish king. However, they prove to be long overdue. The constitution passed on May 3, 1791 – the second in the world – did not last long, and the third partition of Poland meant the loss of independence for 123 years. The reasons for the fall of the Republic of Poland can be found in the external factors, in the disintegration of state institutions and the growing anarchy, but also in a specific Polish systemic anomaly, which did not withstand the confrontation with the centralized absolute monarchy of the neighbouring countries.The attempt to build in Poland a democratic state based on law turned out to be premature.
Artykuł traktuje o specyfice ustroju demokracji szlacheckiej w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów. W przeciwieństwie do dominującego na zachodzie Europie absolutyzmu, gdzie pełnia władzy skoncentrowana była w ręku monarchy, w Polsce od XVI w. władza przechodzi w ręce stanu szlacheckiego, a formy republikańskie mieszają się z monarchistycznymi (tzw. republica mixta). Najwyższym organem władzy, skupiającym pełnię władzy ustawodawczej, staje się sejm, władza elekcyjnego monarchy jest ograniczana, struktura administracji – oparta na dożywotnich urzędach – jest anachroniczna (do poł. XVIII w.), sądownictwo zachowuje charakter stanowy i od XVI w. uniezależnia się od króla, co stanowi ewenement w porównaniu z większością ówczesnych państw. Stworzony wówczas system demokracji stanu szlacheckiego zdecydowanie wyróżnia polski model ustrojowy na tle dominujących w dobie nowożytnej rozwiązań. W pierwszej połowie XVIII w. następuje deformacja tej formy rządów. W okresie oligarchii magnackiej realna władza przechodzi w ręce nielicznej grupy najbogatszych. Polska chyli się ku upadkowi. Przeciwdziałać temu mają reformy wprowadzane stopniowo za panowania ostatniego króla Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego. Są one jednak spóźnione. Uchwalona 3 maja 1791 r. konstytucja – druga na świecie – nie przetrwała długo, a trzeci rozbiór Polski oznaczał utratę niepodległości na 123 lata. Przyczyn upadku Rzeczypospolitej można upatrywać w czynnikach zewnętrznych, w rozkładzie instytucji państwowych i nasilającej się anarchii, ale także w specyficznej polskiej anomalii ustrojowej, która nie wytrzymała konfrontacji ze scentralizowaną monarchią absolutną państw ościennych. Okazało się, że próba budowania w Polsce demokratycznego państwa opartego na prawie była przedwczesna.
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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